Has it made its way out of the CIA’s labyrinth?  The secret diary of Mary Pinchot, the one CIA spook James Jesus Angleton stole after she was murdered in a professional hit?

Mary was the ex-wife of CIA official Cord Meyer, a secret lover and confidante of President Kennedy.  Her diary is one more piece of the Deep State puzzle and Kennedy’s murder!

Republican Reps. Thomas Massie of Kentucky and Eric Burlison of Missouri broke with their party and voted against revenge porn legislation backed by First Lady Melania Trump.

The Take It Down Act criminalizes the promulgation of non-consensual sexual imagery on the internet, including AI-generated “deepfakes.” Now, while I certainly oppose porn, revenge porn, sexual imagery, and deepfakes, it is simply not the job of the federal government to concern itself with these things. And as Massie said: “I feel this is a slippery slope, ripe for abuse, with unintended consequences.”

The bill was introduced by Texas Sen. Ted Cruz. The vote was by Unanimous Consent in the Senate so no record of individual votes was taken.

Conservative writer David Horowitz died yesterday after a battle with cancer. He was 86.

Now that the attempted assassination of former President Donald Trump has occurred, the destructive Ukraine/Russia Conflict is still raging and unrelenting, and the chaotic destabilizing state of the American presidency under the decrepit delusional Joe Biden was still ongoing until Trump’s magnificent sweeping electoral mandate, it is time to step back and seriously review the Nazi/Fascist origins of the EU and CIA/USAID aid to Ukrainian Nazis which has fueled this dangerous existential moment in world geopolitical history.

British journalist Ambrose Evans-Pritchard provided a key piece of the puzzle with this important expose’ article tracing the covert planning, manipulation, and financing of post-WWII European federalism to top tiers of the American intelligence establishment (which interlocked with key Wall Street investment banks and financial institutions, the major foundations which acted as covert funding mechanisms for these projects, the elite mainstream media which provided disinformation and cover for the endeavor, and entities of the foreign policy establishment such as the Council on Foreign Relations and the Atlantic Council.

OSS, CIA and European Unity: The American Committee on United Europe, 1948-60 By Richard J. Aldrich

Other respected British Euro-Skeptic researchers have also presented their evidence which traces this collectivist impetus to its National Socialist and Fascist origins. Political economist Rodney Atkinson has composed three major volumes on this subject of the European Union, Treason at Maastricht (with Norris McWhirter); And Into The Fire; Europe’s Full Circle: Corporate Elites and the New Fascism; and classical liberal John Laughland in his The Tainted Source:  The Undemocratic Origins of the European Idea.  

At the center of the European Union is the story of the economic rise and domination of post-War Europe by Germany.

After the World War II, veteran CBS reporter Paul Manning undertook an investigation of Hitler’s Deputy, Martin Bormann, and the postwar capital network he ran, in considerable measure, at the encouragement of Edward R. Murrow. Partially underwritten by CBS, the story of the Bormann organization proved too sensitive for the network to report.

Manning notes in his powerful book, Martin Bormann: Nazi in Exile,  (.pdf copy)

“A decisively powerful network of corporate entities run by hardened SS veterans, the Bormann group constitutes what one veteran banker termed “the greatest concentration of money power under a single control in history.” The foundation of the organization’s clout is money—lots and lots of money. Controlling German big business and, through investments, much of the rest of the world’s economy, the organization was the repository for the stolen wealth of Europe, estimated by British intelligence to have totaled more than $180 billion by the end of 1943 (not including the money taken from Greece and the former Soviet Union, nor that taken after 1943).

“In addition to the enormous power deriving from its consummate economic clout, the Bormann group has wielded tremendous global influence through its intelligence and enforcement network. Administered by SS general Heinrich Mueller, the wartime head of the Gestapo, the Bormann group’s intelligence and security network was composed of some of the toughest, most capable veterans of the SS. In addition, the Bormann organization and Mueller’s security outfit have commanded the loyalty of the political, intelligence and military elements requisitioned by the Allies after the war. In that regard, the Bormann/Mueller operation could draw on the loyalties of the Reinhard Gehlen spy outfit that handled the CIA’s intelligence on the former Soviet Union and which ultimately became the intelligence service of the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, Bormann and Mueller were the political masters of the numerous scientists recruited by the U.S. and other nations for their expertise during the Cold War, as well as the numerous Nazis brought into the U.S. under the auspices of the Crusade For Freedom. Those latter ultimately coalesced into a major element of the Republican Party.

“With its economic, political and espionage capabilities, the Bormann group embodies the triumph of the forces of National Socialism in the postwar period. Whereas the United States was the dominant element within the international cartel system prior to, and during, World War II, the Bormann group is the primary entity in the postwar global corporate economy.

“The organization’s clout has successfully obscured its existence in the face of journalistic investigation. Compare the “official” fate of Bormann (supposedly killed at the end of the war) with demonstrable historical fact, as researched by Manning. Relating information from the FBI’s file on Bormann, Manning writes: “ . . .The file revealed that he had been banking under his own name from his office in Germany in Deutsche Bank of Buenos Aires since 1941; that he held one joint account with the Argentinian dictator Juan Peron, and on August 4, 5 and 14, 1967, had written checks on demand accounts in first National City Bank (Overseas Division) of New York, The Chase Manhattan Bank, and Manufacturers Hanover Trust Co., all cleared through Deutsche Bank of Buenos Aires. . . .”

Step into the shadows with Mark Groubert and Eric Hunley as they uncover the secret history of David Atlee Phillips—a CIA mastermind whose fingerprints are found on some of America’s darkest chapters. In this explosive episode of America’s Untold Stories, we expose Phillips’ murky ties to the JFK assassination and his covert operations in Mexico during the height of Cold War tensions. As the CIA’s Chief of Operations for the Western Hemisphere, Phillips moved pawns on the world stage with chilling precision. What secrets was he hiding? What role did he really play in one of history’s greatest mysteries? Through rare documents, eyewitness accounts, and fearless analysis, Groubert and Hunley pull back the curtain on a world built on lies deception and power. If you think you know the story, think again.

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Join us November 21st–23rd, 2025 in Dallas at JFK Lancer Conference (or Virtually)

Tickets now available at https://assassinationconference.com/
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I have been following Catherine Austin Fitts off and on for many years once I became fully convinced, she was “the real deal.” Her extensive “insider” background status at the top echelon of one of Wall Street’s most prominent and politically connected investment banks, and her sub cabinet stint at HUD during the George H W Bush regime, demonstrated she was being groomed for a seat within elite power brokers. (She served as managing director and member of the board of directors of the Wall Street investment bank Dillon, Read & Co. Inc., as Assistant Secretary of Housing and Federal Housing Commissioner at the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development in the first Bush Administration.)

Too many readers may not be aware of the seminal importance of Dillon, Read & Co. Inc. to the power elite.

C. Wright Mills observed in his pioneering work, The Power Elite, that “During the Democratic era, one link between private corporate organizations and governmental institutions was the investment house of Dillon, Read.”

Here are four crucial examples.

Paul Nitze, served as United States Deputy Secretary of Defense, U.S. Secretary of the Navy, and Director of Policy Planning for the U.S. State Department. He is best known for being the principal author of NSC 68 and the co-founder of Team B. He helped shape Cold War defense policy over the course of numerous presidential administrations.

James Forrestal, was president of Dillon, Read & Co. Inc. who later became the first Secretary of Defense under Harry Truman. He was assassinated by his enemies.

C. Douglas Dillion became vice-president and director of the firm that bore his father’s name (Clarence Dillon). Dillon became an American diplomat and politician, who served as U.S. Ambassador to France (1953–1957) and as the 57th Secretary of the Treasury (1961–1965) in both the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. He was also a member of the Executive Committee of the National Security Council (ExComm) during the Cuban Missile Crisis. He later served as chairman of the Rockefeller Foundation, was president of the Harvard board of overseers, chairman of the Brookings Institution and vice-chairman of the Council on Foreign Relations.

Nicolas F. Brady, was a former chairman of the Board of Dillon Read & Co. Inc. (1970–1988). He became United States Secretary of the Treasury under Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush. He was a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. and a member of the Steering Committee of the Bilderberg Group.

But Catherine Austin Fitts soon found out “where the bodies were buried,” particularly the nexus of the global narcotics traffic, money laundering, and the deep state. Further deep probing led to investigations of the missing trillions of federal funds put an even bigger target upon her back.

Tucker Carlson – Catherine Fitts: Bankers vs. the West, Secret Underground Bases, and the Oncoming Extinction Event

Former Bush administration official Catherine Austin Fitts on how America’s leaders gave up on the country in the 1990s, began stealing trillions and built a digital prison to control the population.

Top Secret America: The Rise of the New American Security State, by Dana Priest (Author), William M. Arkin (Author)

The top-secret world that the government created in response to the 9/11 terrorist attacks has become so enormous, so unwieldy, and so secretive that no one knows how much money it costs, how many people it employs or exactly how many agencies duplicate work being done elsewhere. The result is that the system put in place to keep the United States safe may be putting us in greater danger. In Top Secret America, award-winning reporters Dana Priest and William Arkin uncover the enormous size, shape, mission, and consequences of this invisible universe of over 1,300 government facilities in every state in America; nearly 2,000 outside companies used as contractors; and more than 850,000 people granted “Top Secret” security clearance.

A landmark exposé of a new, secret “Fourth Branch” of American government, Top Secret America is a tour de force of investigative reporting-and a book sure to spark national and international alarm.

Top Secret America – The Washington Post

DEEP State and Continuity of Government (COG)

“I run the country and the world,” brags Trump.

The feud between President Trump and Fed Chair Powell is really a fool’s errand. Neither can possibly know what interest rates should be, simply because interest rates are derived in the marketplace. Price fixing, by either the Fed or the President, always ends us creating economic malaise. The Fed should not exist because there’s no way to properly fix prices, and counterfeiting is unconstitutional and immoral. The current posturing between fails to get us closer to ending this anti-American institution.

Dallas ’63: A Brilliant Synthesis Regarding the November 22, 1963 Coup d’état, by Charles Burris

Once again, the intrepid Peter Dale Scott takes us into that claustrophobic wilderness of mirrors where the criminal underworld meets the establishment upperworld in the sub-rosa labyrinth of the Deep State. Scott is the premier synthesizer unearthing all the various seemingly unconnected strands of hard documentary factual evidence and counterfactual hypothesizing concerning the November 22, 1963, coup d’état.

He begins by addressing head-on the seminal question of “Who was Lee Harvey Oswald?” in a brilliantly sketched portrait we have not seen before. The intelligence services (especially the CIA’s chief of counterintelligence James Jesus Angleton – Associate Deputy Director of Operations for Counterintelligence (ADDOCI) suspected a Soviet mole had penetrated the dank bowels of the Deep State and obtained highly secret information concerning the U-2 spy plane. Soon an elaborate multilayered mole hunt began.

Abroad, the CIA/State Department “dangled” Oswald as a US Marine radar operator “defector” to the Soviets, while in the US they compiled a byzantine, contradictory and ever-shifting documentary “legend” of manipulated and altered biographical data concerning Oswald as a trap to snare whom among the various interagency intelligence personnel who accessed his files was the possible mole. Upon his return to the US, Oswald continued his counterintelligence role as agent provocateur, informer, and ultimately as “patsy.”

Mentioned almost in passing was Pyotr Popov, a Soviet military intelligence (GRU) officer who had been passing secrets to the Americans for seven years. In April 1958, Popov had alerted his Soviet Russia Division (SRD) case officer George Kisevalter that clandestine technical information regarding the CIA U-2 spy plane had reached Soviet intelligence via a Soviet mole. Thus began Angelton’s elaborate efforts to discover and out this treacherous mole. We journey deeper within the Wilderness of Mirrors as a young Marine radar operator, Lee Harvey Oswald, soon attempts defection to the USSR, entering the cloistered labyrinth of decades of lies, disinformation, duplicity, and deception regarding this mysterious individual.

That disturbing aspect of the story is fleshed out in John M. Newman’s Countdown to Darkness: The Assassination of President Kennedy, Volume II, and in Peter Dale Scott’s Dallas ’63: The First Deep State Revolt Against the White House. Angelton was in the epicenter of events which led to the November 22, 1963 coup d’état and savage murder of President John F. Kennedy.

As he was dying from lung cancer, the Machiavellian CIA head of Counterintelligence, James Jesus Angleton, provided author Joseph J. Trento (also cited by Morley in his book) this startling candid and diabolic confession:

You know how I got to be in charge of counterintelligence? I agreed not to polygraph or require detailed background checks on Allen Dulles and 60 of his closest friends . . . They were afraid that their own business dealings with Hitler’s pals would come out. They were too arrogant to believe that the Russians would discover it all . . .

Fundamentally, the founding fathers of U.S. intelligence were liars. The better you lied and the more you betrayed, the more likely you would be promoted. These people attracted and promoted each other. Outside of their duplicity, the only thing they had in common was a desire for absolute power. I did things that, in looking back on my life, I regret. But I was part of it and loved being in it . . . Allen Dulles, Richard Helms, Carmel Offiie, and Frank Wisner were the grand masters. If you were in a room with them you were in a room full of people that you had to believe would deservedly end up in hell. I guess I will see them there soon.

In my personal library I have several thousand books, hundreds relating to the covert and overt background concerning the assassination of President John Fitzgerald Kennedy. From every chapter, from every page of Dallas ’63, leaps long forgotten names and events from these shelved volumes which Scott has masterfully woven into a head-spinning narrative describing the sinister milieu of intriguers from that period.

This concise volume is unlike any previous work on the subject in its magisterial detail of facts and scrupulous documentation of sources. I highly recommend it to the experienced JFK Assassination research community.

Revisiting the “Legend” of Lee Harvey Oswald

[With the onrush of contradictory information/disinformation being put out concerning the alleged attempted assassin of President Donald Trump, Thomas Matthew Crooks, let us briefly take a look at the “patsy” in the November 22, 1963 assassination of President John F. Kennedy.]

The “Legend” of Lee Harvey Oswald, by Charles Burris

Because so many of my LRC articles/blogs over the years have focused upon the November 22, 1963 assassination of President John F. Kennedy and the insidious coup d’état by Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson and the highest echelons of the National Security State, many readers have inquired again and again what was my assessment of Lee Harvey Oswald, targeted by the Warren Commission as the sole assassin. I have over 100 books in my personal library on these matters. Here briefly are my thoughts and reflections on this controversial subject.

The “Legend” of Lee Harvey Oswald

Our story begins with Petr Popov. Popov was a Soviet military intelligence (GRU) officer who had been passing secrets to the Americans for seven years. In April 1958, Popov had alerted his Soviet Russia Division (SRD) case officer George Kisevalter that clandestine technical information regarding the CIA U-2 spy plane had reached Soviet intelligence via a Soviet mole. The intelligence services (especially the CIA’s chief of counterintelligence James Jesus Angleton – Associate Deputy Director of Operations for Counterintelligence (ADDOCI) suspected a Soviet mole had penetrated the dank bowels of the deep state and obtained highly secret information concerning the U-2 spy plane.

Thus began Angleton’s elaborate efforts to discover and out this treacherous mole. It will ultimately lead to his downfall within the CIA.

We journey deeper within the Wilderness of Mirrors as a young Marine radar operator, Lee Harvey Oswald, soon attempts defection to the USSR, entering the cloistered labyrinth of decades of lies, disinformation, duplicity, and deception regarding this mysterious individual. That disturbing aspect of the story is fleshed out in John M. Newman’s Countdown to Darkness: The Assassination of President Kennedy, Volume II, and in Peter Dale Scott’s Dallas ’63: The First Deep State Revolt Against the White House.

Angleton was in the epicenter of events which led to the November 22, 1963 coup d’état and savage murder of President John F. Kennedy.

Soon an elaborate multilayered mole hunt began. Abroad, the CIA/State Department “dangled” Oswald as a US Marine radar operator “defector” to the Soviets, while in the US they compiled a byzantine, contradictory and ever-shifting documentary “legend” of manipulated and altered biographical data concerning Oswald as a trap to snare whom among the various inter-agency intelligence personnel who accessed his files was the possible mole.

Upon his return to the US, Oswald continued his counterintelligence role as agent provocateur, informer, and ultimately as “patsy.”

History has recorded Lee Havey Oswald as the “lone nut assassin” of President John Kennedy. But perhaps he is someone substantially different than what “official history” has made of him.

His favorite TV show as a kid was, I Led Three Lives about a double agent for the FBI, Herbert Philbrook, who secretly spies on the Communist Party in the US (I have a signed edition of Philbook’s book by the same name). Oswald was a ninth-grade dropout who joined the Marines in 1956 and became a radar operator with a top security clearance who worked on projects related to the secret U-2 spy planes for the CIA. Oswald was assigned first to Marine Corps Air Station El Toro in July 1957, then to Naval Air Facility Atsugi in Japan in September as part of Marine Air Control Squadron 1. He learned to speak Russian while a Marine at a secret CIA/ONI (Office of Naval Intelligence) training base at Nags Head, North Carolina.

Like all Marines, he was trained and tested in shooting and scored 212 in December 1956, slightly above the requirements for the designation of sharpshooter. In May 1959 he scored 191, which reduced his rating to marksman. He was a poor shot.

Oswald obtained a hardship discharge from the Marines allegedly because of his mother’s poor health, left the United States, and tried to defect to the Soviet Union in 1959. The Soviets were immediately suspicious of his intentions believing he was one of many such agents sent to spy on them. He tried to commit suicide. He was then sent to the city of Minsk to work as a lathe operator at the Gorizont Electronics Factory, which produced radios, televisions, and military and space electronics. He was under constant surveillance by the Soviets. Oswald met a young 19 year old girl, Marina Nikolayevna Prusakova, who was the niece of a Soviet intelligence official. Marina thought he was a Russian because he spoke the language like a native Russian. He married Marina and later petitioned the US State Department for permission to return to the United States. It was granted. The State Department loaned them the money to come to the US in 1962. This was quite unusual for the State Department to grant permission to return and loan money to someone who tried to renounce his US citizenship as a “defector.”

Although he was someone who tried to defect to the Soviet Union at the height of the Cold War, he traveled in right-wing, anti-Communist circles of former Russian émigrés. His new best friend was George de Mohrenschildt, a petroleum geologist with international business connections who was a CIA contract agent and colleague of George Herbert Walker Bush.

Oswald held a series of odd jobs.

He moved to New Orleans and became the sole member of the New Orleans chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Oswald ordered the following items from a local printer: 500 application forms, 300 membership cards, and 1,000 leaflets with the heading, “Hands Off Cuba” establishing a paper trail of his pro-Castro activities. He visited anti-Castro militant Carlos Bringuier at a store he owned in New Orleans offering his services as a former Marine. Bringuier was the New Orleans delegate for the anti-Castro organization Directorio Revolucionario Estudantil (DRE). This was a CIA front group.

In 1963 the group was financed by the CIA with $25,000 per month, under a CIA program named AMSPELL run by George Joannides, the chief of the psychological warfare branch in Miami’s JM/WAVE station. The money went to Luis Fernandez Rocha, the DRE’s leader in Miami, and supported the DRE’s activities in a variety of cities, including New Orleans. Joannides also provided non-financial support, including reviewing military plans and briefing them on how to handle the press. Joannides worked with the group from December 1962 to April 1964; CIA monthly reports on the group from 1960 to 1966 have been declassified, except for this period. It was this group which first spread to the media after the assassination disinformation concerning Oswald’s Cuban connections.

In 1978 the CIA summoned Joannides out of retirement to serve as the Agency’s liaison to the United States House Select Committee on Assassinations, in specific regard to the death of President Kennedy. Former Washington Post reporter Jefferson Morley writes “the spy withheld information about his own actions in 1963 from the congressional investigators he was supposed to be assisting. It wasn’t until 2001, 38 years after Kennedy’s death, that Joannides’ support for the Cuban exiles, who clashed with Oswald and monitored him, came to light.”

Bringuier would later tell the Warren Commission that he believed Oswald’s visits were an attempt to infiltrate his group, when they were actually used to establish his “legend” or cover as a Marxist supporter of Cuba.

On August 9, Oswald turned up in downtown New Orleans handing out pro-Castro leaflets. His Fair Play for Cuba leaflets had the address “544 Camp Street” hand-stamped on it. This was actually the address where the anti-Castro, anti-Communist groups were headquartered. Bringuier confronted him claiming he was tipped off about his leafleting by a friend. A well-publicized scuffle ensued and Bringuier, Oswald, and two of Bringuier’s friends were arrested for disturbing the peace. Before leaving the police station, Oswald asked to speak with an FBI agent. Agent John Quigley arrived and spent over an hour talking to him.

Oswald later appeared on New Orleans TV and radio interviews claiming to be a Marxist supporter of Castro and the Cuban regime, further establishing his “legend” or cover identity persona, just as Herbert Philbrick did as a double agent for the FBI in his favorite TV show as a child.

In 1961-62, the New Orleans chapter of the Cuban Revolutionary Council, a CIA front group, occupied an office in the Newman Building at 544 Camp Street. This was the building where anti-Castro activist and accused JFK Assassination conspirator Guy Banister had his office. Banister also had worked in Naval Intelligence and continued his intelligence connections. This was also the address Oswald had stamped on his pro-Castro flyers.

Banister’s office was within walking distance of the New Orleans offices of the FBI, CIA, Office of Naval Intelligence and the Reily Coffee Company where Oswald worked. Reily was Oswald’s employer and a supporter of anti-Castro Cubans. During this period, Banister associate Sergio Arcacha Smith was the “official delegate” for the New Orleans chapter of the CRC.

Banister’s secretary, Delphine Roberts, told author Anthony Summers that Oswald “…seemed to be on familiar terms with Banister and with [Banister’s] office.” Roberts said, “As I understood it, he had the use of an office on the second floor, above the main office where we worked…. Then, several times, Mr. Banister brought me upstairs, and in the office above I saw various writings stuck up on the wall pertaining to Cuba. There were various leaflets up there pertaining to Fair Play for Cuba.”

Later Oswald is going to be accused of shooting at right-wing former Major General Edwin Walker in his home, although both Walker and the Dallas police stated he was shot at with a 30.06 rifle, a firearm Oswald never owned. The Dallas police claimed that the bullet was a 30.06 caliber; the bullet shells from the Texas School Book Depository were 6.5mm. The Walker bullet was too severely deformed to allow a conclusive analysis of its pattern of grooves. A spectrographic examination by Henry Heilberger of the FBI laboratory found that the lead alloy in the bullet was different from that of bullet fragments found in President Kennedy’s car.

Oswald’s wife Marina was the Warren Commission’s chief witness to the alleged shooting at both General Walker and President Kennedy. She later fully renounced her testimony stating it was achieved under duress and threats of sending her back to the Soviet Union to face reprisals.

Although Oswald never spoke of any hostility or dislike towards President John Kennedy he is going to be accused of shooting the most protected man in America.

Oswald is going to be accused of ordering a cheap mail order rifle so there is a paper trail, instead of simply going to a local gun shop in Texas to purchase the rifle incognito. In Texas no identification was needed, and no incriminating paper trail would exist. An incriminating paper trail was created when purchasing a weapon from a different state by mail order. The 6.5×52mm Mannlicher-Carcano ordered from Chicago allegedly by Oswald using the name of “A. Hidel.” The rifle portrayed in the ad and which Oswald allegedly received were not the same.

He is going to be accused of taking pictures of himself with the rifle he is going to use. Then he is going to be accused of shooting the president from the place where he works, the Texas School Book Depository.

The Texas School Book Depository (TSBD) building was owned by D. H. Byrd, co-founder of the Civil Air Patrol (in which Oswald served in as a youngster in New Orleans) and was a strong financial supporter of Lyndon Johnson. After World War II Byrd helped incorporate CAP and have it designated as an Auxiliary of the Air Force, helped initiate the International Air Cadet Exchange, and established or supported cadet scholarships. For his work with the CAP Byrd was awarded the US Air Force’s Air Force Scroll of Appreciation on 24 May 1963. Byrd and fellow Dallas right-wing billionaire H. L. Hunt were personal friends of Air Force Chief of Staff General Curtis Lemay, a rabid Kennedy hater who later flew hundreds of miles to be in the operation room gallery at JFK’s autopsy at Bethesda Naval Hospital on the day he was murdered

D. H. Byrd also employed LBJ’s personal hitman Malcolm Wallace at his defense company LTV. LTV got a big defense contract in January, 1964. Wallace’s fingerprint was found in the sniper’s nest on the Sixth Floor of the Texas School Book Depository (TSBD). Byrd had the so-called “sniper’s window” removed from the TSBD which he kept as a souvenir. Byrd was a big game hunter and had the trophy heads of all sorts of animals in his house. Some persons suspect the TSBD sniper’s window was right next to those mementos.

Oswald was not in that window at the time of the assassination but was downstairs eating lunch. In that window just prior to the assassination was TSBD employee Bonnie Raye Williams eating a chicken bone sandwich.

Oswald is going to be accused of taking off from the TSBD and shooting a cop, Officer J. D. Tippit, and leaving his wallet on the scene so he could be found.

On November 24, 1963, Oswald is going to be shot by Dallas night club owner Jack Ruby in the garage of the Dallas Police headquarters in full view of television cameras broadcasting live to millions and die at Parkland Hospital. Ruby had stalked Oswald at police headquarters all weekend since his arrest.

Jack Ruby had long standing connections to organized crime figures, all the way back when he was a numbers runner for Al Capone’s mob in Chicago while a youth. He later worked for Congressman Richard M. Nixon, at the urging and recommendation of Lyndon Johnson. In the weeks prior to the assassination, Ruby had been in contact with major crime figures from around the country.

While watching Jack Ruby shooting Oswald on Sunday morning on TV, Richard Nixon voiced his recognition of Ruby as the man who once worked for him.

This Oswald/Dallas assassination “plot” is one of several other uncovered such plots.

There were two uncovered in Chicago, one involving a group of Cuban men with high-powered rifles and scopes, and one involving a former Marine Thomas Arthur Vallee who, like Oswald, had served at the Naval Air Facility Atsugi in Japan.

Abraham Bolden, the first African-American Secret Service agent, claimed that in October, 1963, the Chicago Secret Service office received a teletype from the Federal Bureau of Investigation warning that an attempt would be made to kill President John F. Kennedy by a four-man Cuban hit squad when he visited the city on the 2nd of November. Armed with high-powered rifles, the men were from “a dissident Cuban group”. According to investigative journalist Edwin Black, the Secret Service arrested two suspects, however, they were eventually released.

Bolden later discovered that this information was being kept from the Warren Commission. When he complained about this he was warned “to keep his mouth shut”. Bolden decided to travel to Washington where he telephoned Warren Commission Counsel J. Lee Rankin. Bolden was arrested and taken back to Chicago where he was charged with discussing a bribe with two known counterfeiters. He was eventually found guilty of accepting a bribe and spent six years in prison. When he tried to draw attention to his case, he was placed in solitary confinement. Mr. Bolden has steadfastly maintained his innocence, arguing that he was targeted for prosecution in retaliation for exposing unprofessional and racist behavior within the U.S. Secret Service.

Mr. Bolden chronicles his experiences in his book The Echo from Dealy Plaza. He has been recognized through numerous platforms for his ongoing work to speak out against the racism he faced in the Secret Service in the 1960s, and his courage in challenging injustice. In 2022 Bolden received a full pardon from President Joe Biden,

Another plot involved an assassin in Tampa, Florida who was to be situated in a high-rise building while the presidential motorcade passed. The Tampa gunman would have fired from a window of the Floridan Hotel, then the tallest building in the city. (In Dallas, Lee Harvey Oswald was accused of shooting from a window on the sixth floor of a book depository.)

Everyone Must Return Back to Square One. Almost Everyone Has Seen the Two Exceptional, Primal Fundamental Videos Above.

Watch Them Again and Share Them with Family, Friends, Colleagues. Especially to Persons Born in the Past 25 Years. This is Imperative.

Everyone Must Be Fully Cognizant and Totally Familiar with the Factual Roots of This Genesis Story in Order to Begin to Make Sense of the Past 25 Years that has Radically Changed the World.

(5656) Barnes Law School: Due Process & Illegal Immigrants – VivaBarnesLaw Community

Not only is Robert Barnes a master litigator and top-notch attorney but one of the most in depth, articulate, well read and street-smart experienced political analysts in the nation. Whether it involves the institutionalized criminal machine cartels of the Democrats and Republicans or the deep state, he is a true polymath reminiscent of Murray N. Rothbard in his power elite analysis of Realpolitik.

What process is due for those without a legal right to be present in the United States before they can be detained and deported?

The Failed JFK Assassination Attempts They Don’t Teach in School — In this gripping episode of America’s Untold Stories, hosts Mark Groubert and Eric Hunley sit down with JFK researcher Paul Bleau to uncover the chilling history of failed or alternate plots to assassinate President John F. Kennedy—before Dallas.

From Thomas Arthur Vallee in Chicago, to Gilberto Policarpo Lopez in Florida, and the eerily accurate prediction by James Milteer, this discussion peels back the layers of orchestrated chaos leading up to November 22, 1963. Were these men just “lone nuts,” or were they patsies prepared in case the main plot failed?

Paul Bleau, author and assassination researcher, reveals a web of disturbing connections, warnings ignored, and eerily similar “dry runs” that suggest the Dallas hit may not have been the only plan in motion. This episode explores the broader conspiracy timeline, showing that JFK’s life was in danger long before Dealey Plaza—and the real story is even darker than we thought.

With the death of Pope Francis, here are some crucial items below to read and seriously reflect upon while awaiting the papal conclave in Rome to be conducted at the Sistine Chapel where the new pontiff will be chosen.

The papal conclave, where cardinals elect a new pope, is expected to begin in Rome in early May 2025, likely within 15-20 days after Pope Francis’ death.

In these extraordinary, apocalyptic times, my own candidate for the position of the new pontiff is Archbishop Carlo Maria Vigano.

Archbishop Vigano was born on January 16, 1941 in Varese, Italy. He was ordained a priest on March 24, 1968 and incardinated in the Diocese of Pavia (Italy). He has a doctorate in both canon and civil law (utroque iure). His Excellency started his service in the Diplomatic Corps of the Holy See as Attaché in 1973 in Iraq and Kuwait. In 1976 he was transferred to the Apostolic Nunciature in Great Britain, and from 1978 until 1989 worked at the Secretariat of State of Vatican City. On April 4, 1989 he was nominated Special Envoy with the functions of Permanent Observer to the European Council in Strasbourg. He was consecrated an archbishop on April 26, 1992 and made Titular Archbishop of Ulpiana. He was nominated Apostolic Pro-Nuncio in Nigeria, on April 3, 1992. On April 4, 1998 he was nominated Delegate for the Pontifical Representations. Archbishop Viganò served as Secretary General of the Governorate of the Vatican City State from July 16, 2009 until September 3, 2011. On October 19, 2011 Pope Benedict XVI appointed him Apostolic Nuncio to the United States, a post he held until his retirement in April of 2016.

Hilaire Belloc: “Europe will return to the Faith, or she will perish. The Faith is Europe. And Europe is the Faith.”

Lord of the World, by Robert Hugh Benson (.pdf version)

Robert Hugh Benson (1871-1914) was the youngest son of Edward White Benson, Archbishop of Canterbury, and younger brother of Edward Frederic Benson. In 1895, he was ordained a priest in the Church of England by his father who was then Archbishop of Canterbury. After many years of questioning and soul-searching he was received into the Roman Catholic Church in 1903. He was ordained a Catholic priest in 1904 and named a Monsignor in 1911. This book, written in 1907, is Benson’s dystopic vision of a near future world in which religion has, by and large, been rejected or simply fallen by the wayside. The Catholic Church has retreated to Italy and Ireland, while the majority of the rest of the world is either Humanistic or Pantheistic. There is a ‘one world’ government, and euthanasia is widely available. The plot follows the tale of a priest, Percy Franklin, who becomes Pope Silvester III, and a mysterious man named Julian Felsenburgh, who is identical in looks to the priest and who becomes “Lord of the World.” “The one condition of progress…on the planet that happened to be men’s dwelling place, was peace, not the sword which Christ brought or that which Mahomet wielded; but peace that arose from, not passed, understanding; the peace that sprang from a knowledge that man was all and was able to develop himself only by sympathy with his fellows…”

Benson was sent to Cambridge to write and serve as a priest chaplain to the Catholic community. Later, he was allowed to live on his own to devote himself to writing. A prolific author, he traveled extensively, writing and lecturing. Benson wrote many apologetic works, including The Religion of the Plain Man, Paradoxes of Catholicism, and Confessions of a Convert. He was also a bestselling novelist, writing The Holy Blissful Martyr Saint Thomas of Canterbury, Come Rack! Come Rope!, and The Necromancers. The dystopian novel Lord of the World is his best-known work.

Apocalypse Now, By Harry W. Crocker III

Story of Satanic Fashion Show Staged Inside a Church Almost Directly Out of 1907 Apocalyptic Distopian Novel, Lord of the World

This teaching on the Resurrection is a transcript of Dr. Gene Scott as he preached it live from the Los Angeles University Cathedral.

THE RESURRECTION by Dr. w. euGENE SCOTT (Ph.D., Stanford University)
Preached at the Los Angeles University Cathedral
Copyright © 2009 Pastor Melissa Scott. Dr. Gene Scott ® is a registered trademark name. Pastor Melissa Scott ® is a registered trademark name. W. euGene Scott Ph.D ® is a registered trademark name. All rights reserved.

The Road from Runnymede

This exceptional film traces the development of Anglo-American Political Institutions, Human Rights, and the Rule of Law, from Magna Carta through the American Constitution.

The American Revolution, by Charles Burris

Modern Historians Confront the American Revolution, by Murray N. Rothbard

The Origins of American Politics, by Bernard Bailyn

The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution, by Bernard Bailyn

The Central Themes of the American Revolution: An Interpretation, by Bernard Bailyn

Conceived in Liberty Combined 1-4 Volume Edition, by Murray N, Rothbard

Conceived in Liberty Volume 5, by Murray N. Rothbard

And it’s a doozy. US Catholic bishops have been in a bind for years, and this book tells us how we got there — including the role played  by the taxpayer grants from the Agency for International Development and Obama-Biden’s millions for the bishops’ border “charities” that  wound up on the front page this year.

So it’s kept me busy (and silent) these past couple of years… but it’s worth it. I hope that LRC can give it a link!

Trump just released over 10,000 previously classified RFK assassination files—and America is buzzing. In this Free-form Friday episode of America’s Untold Stories, Mark Groubert and Eric Hunley break down what’s inside the documents, why the MLK Jr. family opposes further releases, and whether these revelations challenge the official narrative.

From secret records to modern power plays, we cover:

• MLK Jr. family backlash over declassification

• Harvard’s war with Trump on foreign student visas

• Letitia James’ mortgage fraud probe

• Silicon Valley drone companies stuck using Chinese parts

• CNN reveals most Americans now support mass deportations

• Tulsi Gabbard’s voting record sparks new controversy

• Grieving mother Patty Morin’s plea from the White House press room

Buckle up—this episode peels back layers of politics, history, and power

In our perilous, chaotic times of Black Lives Matter and George Floyd, it is essential to know the deep background story of the history of Communist apparats/fronts and African-Americans, from the beginning of the Communist Party (and other Marxist-Leninist ideological instrumentalities) attempts to capture and engage the allegiance of Black Americans from 1919 to the present.  Black Lives Matter, Communist Party of the United States (CPUSA)

Here are several items below to explore:

“ANARCHY U.S.A.” –– 1966 John Birch Society Film.

This is a C-SPAN 3 re-broadcast of an anti-communism film, produced in 1966 by the John Birch Society, which uses narration and news footage to detail the methods of communist revolutionaries in China, Algeria, and Cuba, then argues that U.S. Civil Rights leaders are also Communists using the same methods. The film condemns several U.S. Presidents and the 1964 Civil Rights and 1965 Voting Rights Acts.

The Communist Position on the Negro Question (pdf)

For decades this was the official statement of the Communist Party of the United States (CPUSA)

“Even as the Great Migration witnessed a major shift of African Americans from the rural South to Northern cities and urban centers, during the Depression decade the majority of blacks were still scratching out a meagre living as sharecroppers, tenant farmers, and migrant laborers tied by debt and KKK terrorism to peonage in the South. In the 1930s, the Communist Party U.S.A. dedicated itself to fighting the “defenders of white chauvinism,” educating and liberating oppressed African Americans, and advocating for “Self-Determination for the Black Belt.”

Here is the formal FBI analysis of this document.

Communist Revolution in the Streets, by Gary Allen

This seminal volume has been actively suppressed and surviving copies are extremely rare. Here are excerpts from this prophetic work — One, Two, Three, Four, Five, and Six

The Whole of Their Lives: Communism in America – A Personal History and Intimate Portrayal of Its Leaders, by Benjamin Gitlow

Gitlow was American Communist Party General Secretary, Communist International executive committee member who courageously revealed the true nature of subversion, infiltration & Stalinist control of the CPUSA.

I own a signed edition of this rare book.

The Red Decade: The Stalinist Penetration of America, by Eugene Lyons

Amazon Review:

As the author points out the “decade” of penetration by the communists in America never really ended. Those fanatical comrades wound up in places of influence and with each generation that influence has remained and become magnified. When you read this book you will recognize many tactics, ideas, and strategies that are visible today. This book should be read alongside the books by Diana West wherein she describes this country’s attack from within and how we have never really come to grips with nor denounced the communist takeover of our culture and society. That was a triumph of the reds: to operate in this country and to be able to simultaneously inoculate themselves from the blowback of condemnation. Much of what we are living with today, the political correctness and the rest of the insanity stems from the left’s desire to destroy from within.

Color, Communism And Common Sense, by Manning Johnson

This book by former Communist apparatchik Manning Johnson is a must read. As the current chaotic political environment swells, remnants of the past are ignored. This powerful book gives incredible insight into the tricks and the trade of the Communist Party, and their manipulation of minorities here in the USA. This been going on for a long period and the contemporary leaders of the BLM movement have claimed they are trained Marxists. In 1932, Johnson studied for three months under J. Peters, William Z. Foster, Jack Stachel, Alexander Bittelman, Max Bedacht, Israel Amter, Gil Green, Harry Haywood, and James S. Allen among others at the “National Training School,” part of the New Workers School, a “secret school” devoted to training “development of professional revolutionists, professional revolutionaries, or active functionaries of the Communist Party.” He served as a national organizer for the Trade Union Unity League. From 1931 to 1932, he served as a District agitation propaganda director for Buffalo, New York. From 1932 to 1934, he was district organizer for Buffalo. In 1935, Manning Johnson ran as a Communist Party candidate for New York’s 22nd Congressional District for the United States House of Representatives. From 1936 to 1939, he served on the Party’s National Committee, National Trade Union Commission, and Negro Commission. Fellow members of the Party’s National Negro Commission were: James S. Allen, Elizabeth Lawson, Robert Minor, and George Blake Charney. The infiltration of other parties started long before the Communist Control Act of 1954. Communists predominantly hide behind and operate under other party names, primarily the Democrats. They also do their work via many front organizations that indoctrinate, stir, and agitate their pawns.

In Hearings Regarding Communist Infiltration of Minority Groups: Hearings Before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Eighty-first Congress, First Session, Parts 1-3, Manning Johnson produced a list of Communist-front organizations that included: African Blood Brotherhood (headed by Richard B. Moore and Cyril Briggs), All Harlem Youth Conference, American Negro Labor Congress, Artists Committee for Protection of Negro Rights, Citizens Committee for the Appointment of a Negro to the Board of Education, Civil Rights Congress, Committee Against Jim Crow in Military Service and Training, Committee for the Negro in the Arts, Committee to Abolish Peonage, Committee to Aid the Fighting South, Committee to Defend Angelo Herndon, League of Young Southerners, Council on African Affairs, Defense Committee for Claudia Jones, George Washington Carver School, Harlem Committee to End Police Brutality, Harlem Council on Education, International Committee of Negro Workers, International Committee on African Affairs, International Trade Union Committee for Negro Workers, International Workers Order, League for Protection of Minority Rights, League of Struggle for Negro Rights, National Conference of Negro Youth, National Emergency Committee to Stop Lynching, National Negro Congress, National Student Committee for Negro Problems, Negro Cultural Committee, Negro Labor Victory Committee, Negro People’s Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy, Scottsboro Defense Committee, Southern Negro Youth Congress, Southern Youth Legislature, United Aid for Peoples of African Descent, United Front for Herndon, United Harlem Tenants and Consumers Organization, and United Negro and Allied Veterans of America among others.

Black and Conservative: The autobiography of George S. Schuyler, by George S. Schuyler

Amazon Review

Don’t Believe the Hype!!: The Incredible History of Communist Subversion in America’s Black Community, by C Brian Madden

Amazon Book Description

Have you ever wondered why, today’s American culture has took a dramatic change for the worse? Have you ever wondered by our youth are no longer interested in pursuing the “American Dream” anymore? Ever wonder why, a certain culture of people, have no longer cared about whether they live or die or not, say “blank the police” and are always hostile towards those holding authority? The answer to these questions will shock you; and they are being done on purpose!! This book will show you how we got to this point in today’s society, especially when it comes to the African-American Community.

Black Revolutionaries in the United States: Communist Interventions, Volume II, by Communist Research Cluster

Blacks and Reds: Race and Class in Conflict, 1919-1990, by Earl Ofari Hutchinson

Amazon Book Description:

In this important study, Earl Ofari Hutchinson examines in detail the American Communist Party’s efforts to win the allegiance of black Americans and the various responses to this from the black community. Beginning with events of the 1920s, Hutchinson discusses at length the historical forces that encouraged alliances between African Americans and the predominately white American Communist Party. He also takes an in-depth look at why, and how, issues of class, party ideology, and racial identity stood in the way of a partnership of black leaders and communists in the United States. Blacks and Reds addresses landmark events surrounding associations between communists and black activists. Hutchinson examines, among other things, how Paul Robeson and W.E.B. DuBois’s support of party activities affected their lives and how the Communist Party used the trial of Angela Davis to promote its own interests. His scope ranges from oft forgotten signs of misdirection, such as how communists’ efforts to express racial sympathy in the early 1950s contributed to their own near destruction during the McCarthy era, to a thorough discussion of how the Party’s effort to gain a foothold in Stokely Carmichael’s SNCC, Malcolm X and Elijah Muhammad’s Nation of Islam, Martin Luther King’s SCLC, and Huey Newton and Eldridge Cleaver’s Black Panthers shook up the civil rights movement by triggering the FBI’s secret war against King, Malcolm X, and others considered to be black radicals.

How Communists Became a Scapegoat for the Red Summer ‘Race Riots’ of 1919, article by Becky Little

Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist, by Harry Haywood

Amazon review

A Black Communist in the Freedom Struggle, by Harry Haywood

Amazon Book Description:

Mustering out of the U.S. army in 1919, Harry Haywood stepped into a battle that was to last the rest of his life. Within months, he found himself in the middle of one of the bloodiest race riots in U.S. history and realized that he’d been fighting the wrong war—the real enemy was right here at home. This book is Haywood’s eloquent account of coming of age as a black man in twentieth-century America and of his political awakening in the Communist Party.

For all its cultural and historical interest, Harry Haywood’s story is also noteworthy for its considerable narrative drama. The son of parents born into slavery, Haywood tells how he grew up in Omaha, Nebraska, found his first job as a shoeshine boy in Minneapolis, then went on to work as a waiter on trains and in restaurants in Chicago. After fighting in France during the war, he studied how to make revolutions in Moscow during the 1920s, led the Communist Party’s move into the Deep South in 1931, helped to organize the campaign to free the Scottsboro Boys, worked with the Sharecroppers’ Union, supported protests in Chicago against Mussolini’s invasion of Ethiopia, fought with the International Brigades in Spain, served in the Merchant Marines during World War II, and continued to fight for the right of self-determination for the Afro-American nation in the United States until his death in 1985.

This new edition of his classic autobiography, Black Bolshevik, introduces American readers to the little-known story of a brilliant thinker, writer, and activist whose life encapsulates the struggle for freedom against all odds of the New Negro generation that came of age during and after World War I.

Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919-1950, by Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore

Amazon Review:

Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919-1950 by Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore redefines the standard chronology of the Civil Rights movement, popularly known for its post-WWII activity. Post-WWII civil rights action would culminate in achievement with Brown v. Board of Education and the 1964 and 1965 Acts of President Johnson. As the title of the book indicates, and according to Gilmore, civil rights in fact had far earlier and far more radical origins in Communism, labor, Fascism and anti-Fascism, and the Popular Front. She substantiates her thesis by tracing the activity of these movements, and by placing within them the African Americans and whites involved who both worked together and in opposition to one another to end or continue Jim Crow. The issue of black civil rights is typically isolated to the United States and is considered to be historically a distinct American problem. By highlighting the involvement of radical movements that found their roots in Europe, Gilmore places African American civil rights on an international stage and redefines it within the context of what the world was experiencing and how this weaved into American culture. Gilmore shows that in America there was an active Communist Party that was focused on illuminating how racism created class differences, and had a purpose to overcome this class inequality by organizing Southern black laborers into a force white supremacists could not reckon with. The CPUSA would become a major player in calling for an end to Jim Crow and white supremacy, and would operate at the same time of the NAACP, whom the communists considered too conservative and bourgeois. The distinction between the two is one where the Communist Party favored direct action and the NAACP preferred legal means to solve issues, and Gilmore states that when placed alongside Communism, the conservative nature of the NAACP is stark (7). In emphasizing this simplistic distinction between the two, Gilmore slights the NAACP of some of its own influence and early contribution. Though less radical in comparison to a system like Communism, the NAACP nevertheless operated within a legal system that was hostile to them. When placed within the cultural context of America in the early 20th century, the NAACP was also radical in its own way because it defied the “place” of the African American, and the organization enjoyed many successes of its own. For example, the NAACP played a major role in the 1923 Moore v. Dempsey decision that strengthened due process and African American’s Constitutional rights. It was not only the Communist Party that took an interest in labor either, though Gilmore makes it seem as if labor was a CPUSA concern only and does not mention that the NAACP was involved in the creation of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, the first African American labor union (52). Though these successes are certainly not as radical as labor marches through the streets of Gastonia, they are still significant to early civil rights radicalism. In keeping with the international scope of civil rights and the importance of the Communist Party, Gilmore brings to light that Africa Americans even went to Russia, had audience with Stalin himself, and many even let out sighs of relief to be in a country where they could, for the first time, enjoy life without fear. African American civil rights and Communism are two movements not typically linked together. In placing them together, Gilmore effectively rewrites civil rights history to include world wide involvement. She does similarly with Fascism in the United States. Gilmore reveals that Fascist ideology was intertwined with white supremacy (106), yet Gilmore does not adequately make the connection between the ideologies of Fascism and white supremacy to explain how white supremacists co-opted Fascism into their beliefs. Additionally, Gilmore splits up the influence of Fascism into two different sections, one in which she describes how some Americans embraced it early on, and then how later Fascism became linked with Communism and Nazi policy, and was thereafter largely rejected within America. Gilmore skips from one to the other without describing the intermediate years and how white supremacists that were once Fascist came to reject the ideology. Gilmore makes it clear why they did, but does not trace how or what happened to the former Black Shirt white supremacist American Fascists. Gilmore focuses her narrative on select people and groups, which allows her to make her points without filling pages with names and events that would have made the monograph dense and less fluid. Through the experiences of her select characters, Gilmore documents the progress of movements and is then allowed to move on with her point made by their examples. As she admits in her introduction, she leaves out a significant portion of people in the South who played major roles in the Civil Rights movement (11). As reviewer Michael Dennis points out, the people ignored precisely the kind of political linkages that defined the popular front and did a good deal more grass roots organizing in the South than Fort-Whiteman. While leaving out these groups of people and their contributions does not weaken the argument Gilmore is trying to make, adding them would have strengthened her narrative by illustrating the scope of the work the Popular Front involved itself in. While she leaves out some groups and people, she includes other often overlooked players such as Truman’s committee on civil rights, adding another layer to the retelling of conventional civil rights history (409). Gilmore’s limited focus allows her to incorporate an element of familiarity that makes her story easier and more enjoyable to read. The people involved in the movements she writes about become more than just names, but people with personalities. The emotional connection forged with these people give the book a sense of intimacy. Much like in her previous book, Gender & Jim Crow, Gilmore uses this feeling of familiarity to make assumptions about people’s feelings and motivations that cannot be supported by evidence. For instance, Gilmore assumes that Louise Thompson must have been hiding something about her feelings for African American Communist Lovett Fort-Whiteman (143). She does the same when she attempts to psychoanalyze the reticence of Alain Locke and attributes it to an attraction to the charismatic Langston Hughes (137). These are things that Gilmore herself simply cannot know without personal testimony. In some cases, Gilmore is able to more successfully pull off her personal narratives. When she describes the death of Fort-Whiteman, she adds a touching reflection of his last moments that closes up the extraordinary life of this very unique man (154). It is in moments like those that Gilmore fosters a true emotional connection between her book and the reader. The combination of humanization and the personalization of events with a unique historical interpretation make Defying Dixie an essential book on the civil rights movement. Defying Dixie adds a new layer to the understanding of how the civil rights movement progressed, and what influenced the later movement. While it does not rewrite the entirety of the movement, it inserts a new level that should not be overlooked.

Red Chicago: American Communism at Its Grassroots, 1928-35, by Randi Storch

Amazon Book Description:

Red Chicago is a social history of American Communism set within the context of Chicago’s neighborhoods, industries, and radical traditions. Using local party records, oral histories, union records, party newspapers, and government documents, Randi Storch fills the gap between Leninist principles and the day-to-day activities of Chicago’s rank-and-file Communists.

Uncovering rich new evidence from Moscow’s former party archive, Storch argues that although the American Communist Party was an international organization strongly influenced by the Soviet Union, at the city level it was a more vibrant and flexible organization responsible to local needs and concerns. Thus, while working for a better welfare system, fairer unions, and racial equality, Chicago’s Communists created a movement that at times departed from international party leaders’ intentions. By focusing on the experience of Chicago’s Communists, who included a large working-class, African American, and ethnic population, this study reexamines party members’ actions as an integral part of the communities and industries in which they lived and worked.

Communists in Harlem During the Depression, by Mark Naison

Amazon Book Description:

No socialist organization has ever had a more profound effect on black life than the Communist Party did in Harlem during the Depression. Mark Naison describes how the party won the early endorsement of such people as Adam Clayton Powell Jr. and how its support of racial equality and integration impressed black intellectuals, including Richard Wright, Langston Hughes, and Paul Robeson.

This meticulously researched work, largely based on primary materials and interviews with leading black Communists from the 1930s, is the first to fully explore this provocative encounter between whites and blacks. It provides a detailed look at an exciting period of reform, as well as an intimate portrait of Harlem in the 1920s and 30s, at the high point of its influence and pride.

Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists during the Great Depression, by Robin D. G. Kelley

Amazon Book Description:

A groundbreaking contribution to the history of the “long Civil Rights movement,” Hammer and Hoe tells the story of how, during the 1930s and 40s, Communists took on Alabama’s repressive, racist police state to fight for economic justice, civil and political rights, and racial equality.

The Alabama Communist Party was made up of working people without a Euro-American radical political tradition: devoutly religious and semiliterate black laborers and sharecroppers, and a handful of whites, including unemployed industrial workers, housewives, youth, and renegade liberals. In this book, Robin D. G. Kelley reveals how the experiences and identities of these people from Alabama’s farms, factories, mines, kitchens, and city streets shaped the Party’s tactics and unique political culture. The result was a remarkably resilient movement forged in a racist world that had little tolerance for radicals.

After discussing the book’s origins and impact in a new preface written for this twenty-fifth-anniversary edition, Kelley reflects on what a militantly antiracist, radical movement in the heart of Dixie might teach contemporary social movements confronting rampant inequality, police violence, mass incarceration, and neoliberalism.

How ‘Communism’ Brought Racial Equality To The South

National Public Radio (NPR Broadcast ) State-sponsored media interview:

Tell Me More continues its Black History Month series of conversations with a discussion about the role of the Communist Party. It was prominent in the fight for racial equality in the south, specifically Alabama, where segregation was most oppressive. Many courageous activists were communists. Host Michel Martin speaks with historian Robin Kelley about his book Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great Depression about how the communist party tried to secure racial, economic, and political reforms.

Red, Black, White: The Alabama Communist Party, 1930–1950, by Mary Stanton

Amazon Book Description:

Red, Black, White is the first narrative history of the American communist movement in the South since Robin D. G. Kelley’s groundbreaking Hammer and Hoe and the first to explore its key figures and actions beyond the 1930s. Written from the perspective of the district 17 (CPUSA) Reds who worked primarily in Alabama, it acquaints a new generation with the impact of the Great Depression on postwar black and white, young and old, urban and rural Americans.

After the Scottsboro story broke on March 25, 1931, it was open season for old-fashioned lynchings, legal (courtroom) lynchings, and mob murder. In Alabama alone, twenty black men were known to have been murdered, and countless others, women included, were beaten, disabled, jailed, “disappeared,” or had their lives otherwise ruined between March 1931 and September 1935. In this collective biography, Mary Stanton―a noted chronicler of the left and of social justice movements in the South―explores the resources available to Depression-era Reds before the advent of the New Deal or the modern civil rights movement. What emerges from this narrative is a meaningful criterion by which to evaluate the Reds’ accomplishments.

Through seven cases of the CPUSA (district 17) activity in the South, Stanton covers tortured notions of loyalty and betrayal, the cult of white southern womanhood, Christianity in all its iterations, and the scapegoating of African Americans, Jews, and communists. Yet this still is a story of how these groups fought back, and fought together, for social justice and change in a fractured region.

Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition, by Cedric Robinson 

Amazon Book Description:

In this ambitious work, first published in 1983, Cedric Robinson demonstrates that efforts to understand Black people’s history of resistance solely through the prism of Marxist theory are incomplete and inaccurate. Marxist analyses tend to presuppose European models of history and experience that downplay the significance of Black people and Black communities as agents of change and resistance. Black radicalism, Robinson argues, must be linked to the traditions of Africa and the unique experiences of Blacks on Western continents, and any analyses of African American history need to acknowledge this.

To illustrate his argument, Robinson traces the emergence of Marxist ideology in Europe, the resistance by Blacks in historically oppressive environments, and the influence of both of these traditions on such important twentieth-century Black radical thinkers as W. E. B. Du Bois, C. L. R. James, and Richard Wright. This revised and updated third edition includes a new preface by Tiffany Willoughby-Herard, and a new foreword by Robin D. G. Kelley.

Marxist-Leninist Perspectives on Black Liberation and Socialism, by Frank Chapman

Amazon Review.

Sojourning for Freedom: Black Women, American Communism, and the Making of Black Left Feminism, by Erik S. McDuffie

Amazon Book Description:

Sojourning for Freedom portrays pioneering black women activists from the early twentieth century through the 1970s, focusing on their participation in the U.S. Communist Party (CPUSA) between 1919 and 1956. Erik S. McDuffie considers how women from diverse locales and backgrounds became radicalized, joined the CPUSA, and advocated a pathbreaking politics committed to black liberation, women’s rights, decolonization, economic justice, peace, and international solidarity. McDuffie explores the lives of black left feminists, including the bohemian world traveler Louise Thompson Patterson, who wrote about the “triple exploitation” of race, gender, and class; Esther Cooper Jackson, an Alabama-based civil rights activist who chronicled the experiences of black female domestic workers; and Claudia Jones, the Trinidad-born activist who emerged as one of the Communist Party’s leading theorists of black women’s exploitation. Drawing on more than forty oral histories collected from veteran black women radicals and their family members, McDuffie examines how these women negotiated race, gender, class, sexuality, and politics within the CPUSA. In Sojourning for Freedom, he depicts a community of radical black women activist intellectuals who helped to lay the foundation for a transnational modern black feminism.

Left of Karl Marx: The Political Life of Black Communist Claudia Jones, by Carole Boyce Davies

Amazon Book Description:

In Left of Karl Marx, Carole Boyce Davies assesses the activism, writing, and legacy of Claudia Jones (1915–1964), a pioneering Afro-Caribbean radical intellectual, dedicated communist, and feminist. Jones is buried in London’s Highgate Cemetery, to the left of Karl Marx—a location that Boyce Davies finds fitting given how Jones expanded Marxism-Leninism to incorporate gender and race in her political critique and activism.

Claudia Cumberbatch Jones was born in Trinidad. In 1924, she moved to New York, where she lived for the next thirty years. She was active in the Communist Party from her early twenties onward. A talented writer and speaker, she traveled throughout the United States lecturing and organizing. In the early 1950s, she wrote a well-known column, “Half the World,” for the Daily Worker. As the U.S. government intensified its efforts to prosecute communists, Jones was arrested several times. She served nearly a year in a U.S. prison before being deported and given asylum by Great Britain in 1955. There she founded The West Indian Gazette and Afro-Asian Caribbean News and the Caribbean Carnival, an annual London festival that continues today as the Notting Hill Carnival. Boyce Davies examines Jones’s thought and journalism, her political and community organizing, and poetry that the activist wrote while she was imprisoned. Looking at the contents of the FBI file on Jones, Boyce Davies contrasts Jones’s own narration of her life with the federal government’s. Left of Karl Marx establishes Jones as a significant figure within Caribbean intellectual traditions, black U.S. feminism, and the history of communism.

Black on Red: My 44 Years Inside the Soviet Union: An Autobiography, by Robert Robinson

John Alt Review:

Some years ago, I read Black On Red: My 44 Years Inside The Soviet Union, a book by Robert Robinson, An African-American who lived in Detroit during the Depression. I had to read it again, for it is about as gripping an autobiography as one can find. Hired in 1927 as a floor sweeper by Ford Motor Company, he became a toolmaker there. In April 1930, through Amtorg, a Soviet trade agency based in New York, a Russian delegation toured the plant. A Russian asked if he would like to work in the Soviet Union. At Ford he earned $140 a month–good wages–but was offered $250 a month, free living quarters, maid service, 30 days vacation a year and a car. All of this for a one year contract. At 23 and recently from Cuba, where he grew up, he was ready for some adventure. Like most things Soviet, the promises were eventually to mark a tragic life, his.

So in 1930 Robinson went, and thereon hangs his tale. He describes various discrimination against blacks while the Soviet government painted itself as an ethnically tolerant utopia.

Robert Robinson was a highly talented, even gifted toolmaker and mechanical engineer. (He graduated from The Moscow Evening Institute of Mechanical Engineering. Despite its clumsy name, its training was excellent.) He received numerous Soviet medals, citations, and awards. As one instance of his ability, managers didn’t think he could quickly design, develop, and fabricate 13 indicators used for checking precision gauges, but he did in three and one half months. This increased production seventy-two fold. All the time, a jealous colleague was undermining his efforts by stealing pieces or sabotaging machines.

Despite his education, training, and ability, he was repeatedly passed over. Through the years he witnessed many less able men move up the ladder to become plant director or branch manager, but he did not get a promotion or pay raise.

During the 1930s Moscow purges, he never undressed until 4 AM, nervously awaiting a Secret Police knock at his door. Next day, he and others would silently take note of fellow employees who did not show up for work. He was aware of the foreigners who disappeared from the First State Ball Bearing Factory. When he started there, he found 362 foreigners. By 1939 only he and a Hungarian were left. Because he was a foreigner, friends begged him not to visit them.

Informers lurked everywhere. If a Russian was asked to spy on neighbors he dared not refuse else he became a suspect. Informants watched a neighbor’s comings and goings from his apartment, as well as who visited him, or what he bought at the store.

Late one night in 1943, Robinson did hear a knock on his door. He thought his time had finally come, his hand shaking as he opened it. Two agents were startled to see his face, then mumbled “Excuse us. There was some mistake.”

As I read the book, I could only feel immense sadness for this man, who lost the best years of his life in a dull, dreary, police state. He learned to control his feelings, to confide in nobody. Many times he would be sounded out–perhaps innocently–over his views on this or that, and always he responded with neutrality or political correctness. He could not afford to trust anybody. That was how he survived finally to leave the Workers’ Paradise.

Born in Jamaica about 1907, he became acclimated to bitter Moscow winters. He was there when Hitler’s wermacht and luftwaffe invaded Russia, the German army 44 miles from Moscow. The Russian government recruited every able-bodied man to age 60. In 1941 he was called for his draft physical, but was not inducted because of a bad left eye. Under fierce aerial bombardment, the streets of Moscow were barricaded against the coming onslaught as he and others were told that the factory would be moved to Kuybyshev. On the train, he beheld thousands upon thousands of people fleeing Moscow–men, women, and children, young and old–shivering while trudging icy roads carrying suitcases tied with cord. In Kuybyshev whole families shared horse stalls, with over 70 people using one toilet and one wash basin.

During the war with Germany, black bread was rationed at 600 grams (21.1 oz) a day. A sack of potatoes cost 900 rubles ($180). Robert Robinson made 1100 rubles month. He ate 7 or 8 cabbage leaves soaked in lukewarm water. Others at the factory became so weak that they could not control their bladders and urinated in their pants. Some died, collapsing on the floor in front of their machines. Every passing moment the men thought of food, its smell, its taste. After months of hunger, he began losing all energy, felt listless, and went to a doctor. As he took his shirt off, she went behind a screen and cried. He at first thought she was shocked to see his skin color, but she wept because his arms were toothpicks, his stomach stretched tight against corrugated ribs. He had not looked in a mirror for months. She told him he was at death’s doorway. She invited him to her house to dine each Sunday with her, her husband, and daughter.

He never joined the communist party because of his religious faith. He could not accept atheist doctrine. He saw through a racist, repressive system, and was watchful that he not suggest even a nuance of deviant political behavior. He was made to act in a Mosfilm propaganda movie, Deep Are The Roots, then considered a classic in Russia, about racism in the United States. When asked as an “expert,” Robinson told the director that the movie was over-the-top, extremely overdone, but the director had his own career at stake and probably could not listen.

During 44 years in Soviet society, Robert Robinson found that the deepest discrimination was against blacks and orientals. In his book he notes that in the USA people may or may not condone institutional and racial discrimination but they do recognize that it exists. In the USSR, officially and socially, such discrimination did not occur. To admit the contrary would have been to violate the Soviet agenda of equality and brotherly love. He states that he “could never get used to Russian racism. They prided themselves on freedom from prejudice, so racism was especially virulent.”

During the 1930s he met and chatted on a park bench with black American poet Langston Hughes. He met and spent evenings with the hugely talented and internationally famous American Paul Robeson (athlete, actor, orator, concert singer, lawyer, social activist), and his wife Eslanda each time they visited Moscow. He asked Robeson as a fellow black man to intervene for him so he could escape Russia. Robeson avoided him on the issue. Eventually Robert Robinson learned from Eslanda that Paul did not want to do it because that would sour his relationship with the Soviet leadership.

After many years of trying, and through the extended efforts of Ugandan ambassadors Mathias Lubega, and Michael Ondoga, Robert Robinson was granted a visa for a vacation in Uganda. He was careful. He bought an Aeroflot round trip ticket although he never wanted to return. To reduce suspicion he took just a few rubles, packed few clothes.

From the airport gate to the aircraft he took a bus. Then it happened. In freezing cold, a coatless woman ran after the bus shouting his name. He dared not turn around. But the bus stopped and the driver called back for him. He got off. She told him he could not go because he had no vaccination papers. This was false; he had shown them and had been vaccinated. He trembled, wept inwardly, was totally devastated, but he repeated the process, the doctor this time simply signing the form without using a needle. Again he waited months and finally got approval.

The day came, and he climbed on the bus, praying silently as it neared the airplane. He boarded and feared that somebody would again call his name before the plane began taxiing. Or the pilot would be ordered to turn the aircraft around. It did not happen. He landed in Uganda. We are left to imagine the feelings that must have overwhelmed him as he stepped off, out of a police state and into the warm African sun.

This was 1974 and he found himself at the hotel feted as personal guest of Idi Amin, Ugandan President For Life. When Robinson visited Amin the President offered him Ugandan citizenship, but Robinson declined, fearing that it would bring violent wrath of the KGB down on him in this relatively unprotected country. For several years he taught at Uganda Technical College outside Kampala. In Uganda he met Zylpha Mapp, an African-American lecturer at the Teacher College. They married in 1976. Tensions and suppression grew in Uganda as Idi Amin became mentally unstable. Through the unrelenting efforts of an African-American US Information Service Officer, William B. Davis, in 1980 he and Zylpha were able to fly to the United States, where he was declared a legal U.S. resident, as he had to forfeit his U.S. citizenship many years before. On December 6, 1986, they became U.S. citizens. living in Washington, DC. He died in 1994 of cancer. Zylpha Mapp-Robinson died in 2001, age 87. (She was born August 25, 1914.)

Even in the United States he could not rid himself of a life lived in fear, caution, and suspicion. Robinson hoped that his book would reveal the USSR for the oppressive society it was. “Even now,” he said, “I have to be careful because so many people do not understand the Russian psychology, that once you have offended the Russians, you are never forgiven. Never forgiven.”

He did not intend that statement to detract from the countless ordinary Russians who befriended and helped him. He understood them as victims of the same system. He had fond memories of people such as the lady doctor who invited him to her house to dine during the Great Patriotic War against Germany.

He was aware of the immense suffering of his Russian friends. He tells the story of a lovely sixteen year old girl on her way to school. She was stopped by an aide of Lavrentiy Beria, head of MVD, Soviet Secret Police. The aide wanted her to climb in his car, but she refused. At the end of the school day, she looked out the window. The aide was still there. She knew she couldn’t call her parents, else they would be visited and probably sent to a labor camp. She had no choice. For two years she was raped by Beria, her parents in despair and anguish. After Beria tired of her, he forced the family to give up their belongings and move to Lithuania.

If you want to know about the Stalinist purges, and about the horrible sacrifices Russians made during WWII, read this book. Robinson was there. Spending most of his life in the Soviet Union, he suffered, struggled, silently wept, but endured. He lived through it all, an eye witness to history from the purges to Hitler’s invasion to Sputnik and the Cold War.

Blacks, Reds, and Russians: Sojourners in Search of the Soviet Promise, by Joy Gleason Carew

Amazon Book Description:

One of the most compelling, yet little known stories of race relations in the twentieth century is the account of blacks who chose to leave the United States to be involved in the Soviet Experiment in the 1920s and 1930s. Frustrated by the limitations imposed by racism in their home country, African Americans were lured by the promise of opportunity abroad. A number of them settled there, raised families, and became integrated into society. The Soviet economy likewise reaped enormous benefits from the talent and expertise that these individuals brought, and the all around success story became a platform for political leaders to boast their party goals of creating a society where all members were equal.

In Blacks, Reds, and Russians, Joy Gleason Carew offers insight into the political strategies that often underlie relationships between different peoples and countries. She draws on the autobiographies of key sojourners, including Harry Haywood and Robert Robinson, in addition to the writings of Claude McKay, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Langston Hughes. Interviews with the descendants of figures such as Paul Robeson and Oliver Golden offer rare personal insights into the story of a group of emigrants who, confronted by the daunting challenges of making a life for themselves in a racist United States, found unprecedented opportunities in communist Russia.

Military Judge Matthew McCall ruled last week that the CIA’s torture of September 11 defendant Ammar al-Baluchi rendered his confessions as inadmissible.  The prosecution failed to prove by a preponderance of evidence that his statements were voluntary and were not obtained by torture.  The statements were made in January 2007, four months after he was transferred from secret overseas CIA locations where he was abused and held in isolation for more than three years.

Ammar al-Baluchi is accused of facilitating the 9/11 attacks by providing money and other assistance to the alleged hijackers.  He is the nephew of alleged 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed.  He is also the cousin of Ramzi Yousef, who was convicted for the 1993 WTC bombing and the Bojinka Plot.

Carol Rosenberg of The New York Times reported, “The CIA routinely beat Baluchi and kept him naked.  Student interrogators took turns slamming his head against a wall.  He was deprived of sleep for 82 straight hours by shackling him at the ankles and wrists in a way that forced him to stand, naked, with a hood on his head.  He was made to fear he would be drowned in a mock waterboarding technique in which he was laid out on a tarp as cold water was poured onto a towel covering his face.”

Judge McCall wrote, “Just as the CIA’s psychologists had planned, (Baluchi) learned that he was helpless to resist the torture, and that cooperation meant a lessening of abuse and an increase in rewards.”

Alka Pradhan, one of al-Baluchi’s lawyers said, “Torture has stained the Guantanamo military commissions since their inception.  This ruling is the only measure of accountability that Mr. al Baluchi has ever received for the brutality he endured, and it is long overdue.”

Why did the US national-security state torture 9/11 defendants such as Ammar al-Baluchi if they had credible evidence obtained through lawful means of their guilt?  Evidence extracted through torture is known to be unreliable because the person who is being tortured is motivated to say whatever he thinks his torturers want him to say, rather than to tell the truth.

Why did the US national-security state deprive the truth of the 9/11 attacks from the victims’ families and the public?  The US national-security state enabled the 9/11 attacks to occur to create a justification to wage wars of aggression in countries such as Afghanistan and Iraq in order to achieve their geostrategic objectives.  The US national-security state does not care about the 9/11 victims, their families, or the millions of people that they murdered in the wars of aggression that they launched after 9/11.

The conquest theory of the state, associated with the German sociologist Franz Oppenheimer, holds that the origins of the state are in war and conquest.  The personal X account of the Argentinian president celebrates the Argentinian government’s origins in war, conquest, and attempted genocide of the native population.

The text on X reads:  “146 years after the beginning of the heroic enterprise led by the hero of the nation, General Julio Argentino Roca, we honor the Desert Campaign as a fundamental historical milestone in the history of our nation, which marked not only the expansion of the national territory, but also the foundation of the modern Argentine State.”

An Argentinian correspondent writes:

“Milei’s office is celebrating what can be described as a genocide, albeit a less famous one . . . .  The Argentinian government successfully exterminated more or less all of the native populations by means of a series of “wars” where the natives armed with rudimentary spears and a few rifles faced an organized army with Remington rifles.  The main warlords of these expeditions to the desert were the president Manuel Rosas and the infamous general and later president Julio Argentino Roca, the most ruthless and consequent proponent of a policy of extermination of the natives.  Not only did the Argentinian army massacre about 15,000 natives, but the survivors had to endure a life of semi-slavery.  It is horrible and yet telling that Milei’s office celebrates a horrible historical fat like the extermination of the natives . . . as though it was a feat of civilization and progress.”